søndag den 7. september 2014

Consideration to undermine the ethic of labour



IF YOU DON'T UNDERSTAND GERMAN SCROLL DOWN TO THE ENGLISH VERSION

Überlegung zur Untergrabung der Arbeitsmoral
Die Anekdote zur Senkung der Arbeitsmoral von Heinrich Böll ist wohl vielen bekannt (http://www.aloj.us.es/webdeutsch/s_3/transkriptionen/l_26_str10_trans.pdf)
Da geht es ja hauptsächlich ums ganz individuelle Wohlsein – die größeren Perspektiven muss man sich dazudenken.
Aber auch wenn viele diese Anekdote zur Senkung der Arbeitsmoral wohl gelesen haben erscheint es dennoch fast allen großartig, wenn man sich individuell hocharbeiten kann: zu höherem Status, zu mehr Geld oder vielleicht sogar aus dem Elend heraus.
Diese Möglichkeit - illusorisch oder realistisch - hielt und hält die Menschen dazu an, mehr zu geben als sie unbedingt hier und jetzt nötig haben.
WEITERKOMMEN ist anscheinend wunderbar! Aber weiter als wer, und weiter womit? Wenn wir mit der Erforschung unserer Welt und des Universums weiterkommen, ist das ja unmittelbar zumindest eine Chance, mit dem neuen Wissen viel Gutes oder Vernünftiges zu bewirken.
Aber eben nur die Chance.
Unsere Tragödie als Spezies ist nun im 21 Jahrhundert die, dass wir bisher so erfolgreich waren.
”Besser” und länger leben zu wollen erscheint für jeden von uns legitim, aber WIE wollen wir leben? Und was bedeuten unsere Ansprüche für die Mitmenschen und die biologischen Mitbewohner der Erde?
Mehr zu arbeiten, mehr Umsatz zu machen kann in diesem Licht direkt asozial sein – aber wer will sich das selber eingestehen oder sogar eine dementsprechende Politik machen?

Consideration to undermine the ethic of labour 

“Die Anekdote zur Senkung der Arbeitsmoral“ of Heinrich Böll is well known to many (read an English translation at the end of page)
This short story was mainly reflecting the very individual well-being – it's wider perspectives you have to think of yourself.
But even though many have red this “Anecdote to reduce the ethic of labour” probably it still appears almost great to most of us, if you can work your way through to to a higher status, more money, or maybe even out of misery.
This possibility - illusory or realistic - inspires people to work more than they absolutely necessary have to here and now.
GETTING FURTHER is apparently wonderful! But further than who, and on what? If we continue the exploration of our world and the universe, that's a chance to use the new knowledge good or sensible.
But only the CHANCE!
Our tragedy as a species is now now in the 21st century that we have been so successful.
To live "better" and to live longer appears legitimate for every one of us but HOW do we want to live? And how influence our claims other human beings and our biological roommates on this Earth?

To work more, to make more sales can in this light be directly anti-social - but who wants to admit that just for himself or even dares to make a corresponding policy?



Anecdote to lower work ethics


In a harbor on the west coast of Europe, a shabbily dressed man lies dozing in his fishing boat. A smartly dressed tourist is just putting a new roll of color film into his camera to photograph the idyllic picture: blue sky, green sea with peaceful, snowy whitecaps, black boat, red woolen fisherman's cap. Click. Once more: click and, since all good things come in threes and it's better to be safe than sorry, a third time: click. The snapping, almost hostile sound awakens the dozing fisherman, who sleepily sits up, sleepily gropes for his cigarettes, but before he has found what he is looking for the eager tourist is already holding a pack under his nose, not exactly sticking a cigarette between his lips but putting one into his hand, and a fourth click, that of the lighter, completes the overeager courtesy. As a result of that excess of nimble courtesy — scarcely measurable, never verifiable — a certain awkwardness has arisen that the tourist, who speaks the language of the country, tries to bridge by striking up a conversation.
"You'll have a good catch today."
The fisherman shakes his head.
"But I've been told the weather's favorable!"
The fisherman nods.
"So you won't put to sea?"
The fisherman shaeks his head, the tourist grows more and more uncomfortable. It is clear that he has the welfare of the shabbily dressed man at heart and that disappointment over the lost opportunity is gnawing at him.
"Oh, I'm sorry — aren't you feeling well?"
At last the fisherman switches from a sign language to the spoken word.
"I feel fine," he says. "I've never felt better." He stands up, stretches as if to demonstrate his athletic build. "I feel terrific."
The tourist's expression grows steadily more unhappy, and he can no longer suppress the question which, as it were, threatens to burst his heart: "But why, then, do you not put to sea?"
The answer comes promptly and briefly: "Because I already put to sea this morning."
"Did you make a good catch?"
"My catch was so good that I need not put to sea for a second time. I had for lobsters in my baskets, caught nearly two dozen mackerel..."
The fisherman, finally awake, is now thawing, and slaps the tourist soothingly on the shoulder. The worried countenance of the latter seems to him an expression of inappropriate, yet touching, anxiety.
"I have enough even for tomorrow and the day after tomorrow," he says to relive the stranger's soul. "Do you want a cigarette?"
"Yes, please."
Cigarettes are being put into mouths, a fifth click; the stranger, shaking his head, sits down on the rim of the boar, and puts down the camera, for now he needs both hands to give his speech emphasis.
"I do not want to meddle in your personal affairs," he says, "but just imagine if you put to sea today for a second, a third, or perhaps even a fourth time, and you catch three, four, five, maybe even ten dozen mackerel. Just imagine that!"
The fisherman nods.
"You put to sea," continues the tourist, "not only today but tomorrow and the day after tomorrow, indeed, on every favorable day two, three, of perhaps four times — do you know what would happen?"
The fisherman shakes his his.
"In one year at the latest you would be able to buy a motor, in two years a second boat, in three or four years you may, perhaps, have a small trawler; with two boats or the trawler you would, of course, catch a lot more — one day, you would have two trawlers, you would...," for a few moments his enthusiasm leaves him speechless, "you would build a small cold store, perhaps a smoke-house, soon afterwards a marinating factory, fly around with your own helicopter, making out the shoals of fish and giving orders to your trawlers by radio. You could buy the fishing right for salmon, open a fish restaurant, export lobster directly to Paris without a middleman — and then...," once again his enthusiasm leaves him speechless. Shaking his head, saddened in the depth of his heart, and almost bereft of this holiday delights, he looks on the waters rolling peacefully into the harbor, where the uncaught fish jump merrily.
"And then," he says, but again his excitement leaves him speechless. The fisherman slaps him on the back, as one would slap a child choking over his food. "What then?" he asks in a low voice.
"Then," says the stranger with restrained enthusiasm, "then, without a care in the world, you could sit here in the harbor, doze in the sun — and look at the glorious sea."
"But I'm already doing that," says the fisherman. "I sit here in the harbor without a care in the world and doze — it was only your clicking that disturbed me."
And so the thus enlightened tourist walked pensively away, for at one time he had believed that he was working so as to someday not have to work any more; and there remained in him not a trace of pity for the fisherman in shabby clothes, only a little envy.


besides to read Bölls short story I recommend to read: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/feb/04/work-more-less-quality-of-life



 

torsdag den 14. august 2014

Weirdo



Weirdo
Everyday work might often lead ones mind to the next obvious task .... but. ...
Mowing the lawn under the impression of a thriller on TV last night I saw the end of the humanist era comming towards us.
I have never been convinced that humanism ruled us - but it's mindset was, on the ideological level, for many of us - even or especially in politics - a mandatory bid or a kind of compulsory confession.
But since September 11, 2001 this gets shaken vigorously by more and more opinion leaders in politics, religion and even science, who almost proudly profess views that directly contradict a basic humanistic ideal  ... but that had actually allready taken its beginning  with fascism / Nazism 

...  what a consolation ...

søndag den 3. august 2014

VELKOMMEN TILBAGE TIL FEUDALISMEN - WELCOME BACK TO FEUDALISM



VELKOMMEN TILBAGE TIL FEUDALISMEN - WELCOME BACK TO FEUDALISM
Der går et par hundrede år uden at man lægger mærke til at også de mest grundlæggende værdier mister deres værdi.
FRIHED – LIGHED - BRODERSKAB
– og så sker det alligevel, at det man stræbte efter er det man løber væk fra, betragtes som uinteressant eller direkte skadelig.
En gang i 1800-talles blev det nationernes hovedmål – ikke mindst under indtryk af socialistiske og socialliberale ideer - at sørge for ”folkets” interesse, hvor alle med den rigtige hudfarve og det rigtige sprog gerne skulle fremmes for at styrke nationen – ofte koblet med nationalistiske, racistiske og mere eller mindre præfascistiske holdninger.
Først da anden verdenskrig havde sat det nationalistisk-racistiske tankesæt alvorligt i skammekrogen og den kapitalistiske del af verden var bange for at den ”socialistiske” Østblok kunne få politisk medvind vest for jerntæppet ved alt for stor ulighed, da social uretfærdighed, nu hvor fascismen tilsyneladende var overvundet, ville bidrage til at styrke folks hang til socialisme eller kommunisme. Altså blev lighedstanken noget som var tilladt og for nogen endda tilstræbt: datidens socialdemokratiske og US-venlige partier og dele af det demokratiske parti i USA som stod fagbevægelsen nær.
At arbejde for mere lighed var ikke systemskadelig men en god måde at styrke stabilitet og fortsat vækst. Det var endda muligt og legitimt at dele af grundforsyningen med energi, visse varer og transportsystemer fortsat blev varetaget af statslige, kommunale eller på anden vis socialiserede virksomheder for at etablere/opretholde forsyningssikkerhed for hele befolkningen.
Meget af dette er ukendt eller ”overvundet” tankegods for dagens politiske eliter og størstedelen af befolkningen. Det handler om at fremme uligheden. Dem som virkelig sidder ved magten fremmer kun ideer om en omfordeling fra fattig til rig: Konkurrencestaten er den ny velfærdsstat (Corydon)
Langsigtet perspektiv? INGEN! Verden kan ikke holde til denne paradigme – lige så lidt som den kunne holde til en idé om lighed for alle på amerikansk niveau – med umådeholdent overforbrug af ressourcer og drømmen om konstant, yderligere vækst som systemets motor.

Ved siden af denne bevidsthedsskred væk fra lighed har der etableret sig en bevidsthed om ressourcernes begrænsning – begreber som ”sustainability – ressourcebesparende – miljørigtig m.m.” er blevet en del af bevidstheden, dog uden at rykke ved det grundlæggende vækstparadigme.
Ganske vist vil Goldman&Sachs være med til at tjene penge på DONGS vindmølleparker – men de vil/”skal” droppe disse installationer i det øjeblik de ikke er gode investeringer mere.

Vi har vi altså nu et økonomisk system som i nogle nicher forholder sig ”ufornuftigt” i forhold til sit eget ideologiske grundlag ved at satse på ressourcebesparelser og vedvarende energi (til trods for at kul og olie stadig ef ”billigst”) samtidigt med at der fortsat satses på væksten af forbrug – også af materielle varer som skal produceres og smides væk – og langt de fleste IKKE ved hjælp af genbrug.
Såvel nationalstaten som supranationale organisationer og magtstrukturer er hjælpeløse i et ægte forsvar for miljøet, når de overordnede målsætninger er styret af erhvervsøkonomiske overvejelser. Når politikken er en forlænget arm af mere eller mindre private kapitalinteresser som for det meste styrer den demokratiske process og ”folkestemningerne” i en retning som gavner dem, kan lighed og nulvækst (på globalt plan) ikke blive målsætninger.

”Jeg vil ikke af med noget, du vil ikke af med noget, ingen vil give afkald...”...

Det ”nye” i vores unge millennium er, at magteliten ikke alene vil have mere og mere – men nu gerne vedkender sig målet at fravriste undersåtterne mere og mere – VELKOMMEN TILBAGE TIL FEUDALISMEN.

Lidt ufornøjelig ekstra læsning




WELCOME BACK TO FEUDALISM
There might pass a couple of hundred years without noticing that even the most basic values lose their value.
LIBERTY - EQUALITY - BROTHERHOOD
- And then it happens anyway, that what one once sought is now to run away from, considered uninteresting or downright harmful.
Once in the 19th century the nation's overall aim - particularly in light of socialist and social-liberal ideas – became to serve the whole nations interest, where anyone with the right color of skin and the right language should be encouraged to strengthen the fatherland - often coupled with nationalist, racist and more or less pre-fascist attitudes.
Finally World War II put the nationalist-racist thinking seriously in the doghouse and the capitalist part of the world was then afraid of, that the "socialist" Eastern bloc could get political tailwind west of the Iron Curtain by excessive inequality. Social injustice might, now that fascism seemed overcome, help to strengthen people's inclination towards socialism or communism. So the promotion of equality became something which was allowed and some places even sought: the contemporary social democrat and US-friendly parties and parts of the Democratic Party in the United States who stood near the trade union or/and the civil rights movement.
Working for more equality was no longer malicious but a good way to strengthen stability and continued growth. It was even possible and legitimate to support that the basic supply of energy, certain goods and transport continuously should be handled by the state, municipal or otherwise socialized enterprises to establish / maintain the security of supply for the entire population.

Much of this is unknown or "overcome" intellectual baggage for today's political elites and the majority of the population. It's about promoting inequality. Those who really are in charge only promote ideas about a redistribution from poor to rich: “The Competitive State is the new welfare state” (Bjarne Corydon, Danish Minister of Finance)
The long-term perspective? ABSENT! The world can not stand this paradigm - as little as it could survive the realisation  of ​ equality for all at an American level - with excessive overuse of resources and the dream of constant further growth as the system's engine.

Beside this shift of consciousness away from equality we have established an awareness of resources limitation. Terms such as "sustainability - resource saving - environmentally friendly, etc." have become part of common consciousness, but without pulling the fundamental growth paradigm.
Certainly, Goldman & Sachs help to monetize DONGS wind farms - but they will / 'must' drop these installations at the moment they are not good investments any longer.

We have today an economic system that in some fields operates "unreasonable" in relation to its own ideological foundations by focusing on resource efficiency and renewable energy (despite the fact that coal and oil are still "cheapest"). Simultaneously that very system continues to focus on the growth of consumption - also of tangible goods to be produced and thrown away - and the vast majority made of NOT recycled materials.
Both the nation-state as supranational organizations and power structures are helpless in a real defense of the environment when the overall objectives are guided by business economic considerations. When policy is an extended arm of more or less private capital interests which mostly control the democratic process and public sentiment in a direction that benefits them, equality and zero growth (globally) will NOT become serious political goals.

"I do not want to lose something, you don't want to lose anything, no one will give up  ..."

The "new" paradigm for our young millennium is that our power elite not only wants more and more - but now with pleasure acknowledges the goal to rob the subjects more and more - welcome back to feudalism.



fredag den 13. juni 2014

from evil to madness in the name of freedom


Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria .....

Already in 1988, when the still existing Soviet Union gave up the fight against the Taliban in Afghanistan, there was great enthusiasm in the United States and amongst NATO member states to have replaced a brutal dictatorship (with Soviet backrest) by a completely unmanageable chaos of more or less fanatical, criminal and internal warring fractions - everything from local tribal leaders to drug-funded Islamist fighters (who later came to represent the seeds of Al-Qaeda)
But except from the Afghan dictatorship which had bet on the wrong horse, most brutal dictators in the Islamic part of the world were allowed to continue - even after the fall of the Soviet Union.

First, Bush II (George Walker Bush) took freedom as his main agenda for foreign politics and started a new crusade against unfriendly minded dictatorships - after (probably) Al-Qaeda had attacked the United States using hijacked airliners.

As the Taliban directly brayed about giving shelter to Al-Qaeda, driving the Taliban out of Afghanistan was quite reasonable.
Worse it was however, as Iraq's dictator Saddam Hussein, who already had been seriously punished by Bush I (George Herbert Walker Bush) after the attack on Kuwait, now not only was to be thrown from power but also to be killed, in the shelter of the excitement over the apparently swift victory over the Taliban in Afghanistan. Although Saddam Hussein nothing had to do with the attack on the World Trade Center or Al Qaeda, this horrid dictator was the first in a series of men who were removed from power – after the US partly had supported them in the past, like Saddam Hussein himself. (Among others TheWashington Post believes that son George was to avenge father George,as Saddam Hussein had tried to get Bush I assassinated: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/iraq/timeline/062793.htm)
After Saddam was hanged, the powerful longtime dictators in the Islamic world began to falter under the pressure of a chaotic mix of popular rebellion caused by dissatisfaction with economic conditions, increased religious fanaticism and ethnic conflicts - accompanied by strong support for the insurgency from the West. Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi was bombed from power by NATO warplanes (the Danish F16 taking part had the assignment to hit Gaddafi himself, but did not succeed)

 - since Syria's Bashar Al-Assad has come under severe pressure from also Western-backed rebel groups.Egypt had its revolution which at the moment is rolled back by a new dictator.

Meanwhile Iraq is currently transformed into a Afghan-style political, religious and ethnic chaos of - with oil wells beneath it all ...
 
The fact that Denmark under Bush II's good friend Anders Fogh Rasmussen was involved in many of these chaos-promoting measures, has apparently not resulted in deeper reflection by Western leaders (Denmark included).

In a sad look back at the aforementioned disasters that Denmark has contributed actively to, with some cynical calculation one might hope to that Russias / Putin's aggressive foreign policy will guide NATO and thus Denmark back to a more locally oriented "Home Guard project" which will hopefully understand its limitations better than the global "freedom agenda" which did not bring lasting freedom - only lasting chaos for millions of people who can not escape neither their dictators, nor local warlords, crazed mullahs or local criminal gang leaders ...


onsdag den 11. juni 2014

fra ondskab til galskab i frihedens navn



Afghanistan, Irak, Libyen, Syrien …..

Allerede i 1988 da den endnu eksisterende Sovjetunion opgav kampen mod Taleban i Afghanistan var der stor begejstring i USA og NATO-landene over at have erstattet et brutalt diktatur (med sovjetisk rygstøtte) med et helt uoverskueligt kaos af mere eller mindre fanatiske, kriminelle og i hvert fald indbyrdes stridende grupperinger – alt fra lokale stammeledere til narkofinansierede islamistiske krigere (som siden kom til at udgøre kimen til Al-Qaeda)

Men bortset fra fra den afghanske diktatur som havde satset på den forkerte hest fik de fleste andre brutale diktatorer i den islamiske del af verden lov til at fortsætte – også efter Sovjetunionen fald.

Først Bush II (George Walker Bush) skrev friheden på sine faner 
og startede det nye korstog mod uvenligt sindede diktaturer – efter (sandsynligvis) Al-Qaeda havde angrebet selve USA ved hjælp af kaprede passagerfly.

At Taleban som direkte skrydede med at give husly til Al-Qaeda skulle fordrives fra Afghanistan var en del ræson i.

Værre blev det dog, da Iraks diktator, som allerede have fået en alvorlig afklapsning af Bush I (George Herbert Walker Bush) efter overfaldet på Kuwait, nu ikke alene skulle afsættes men også slås ihjel, i ly af den begejstring som den tilsyneladende hurtige sejr over Taleban i Afghanistan  havde fremkald. Selvom Saddam Hussein så godt som intet havde at gøre med angrebet på World Trade Center m.m. var denne fæle diktator den første i en række af mænd som skulle fjernes fra magten – som man til dels havde hold hånden under førhen, ligesom Saddam Hussein selv. (Bl.a. The Washington Post mener at sønnen George skulle hævne faderen George, som Saddam Hussein skulle have forsøgt at få likvideret via et attentat - http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/iraq/timeline/062793.htm )

Efter Saddam var lagt i graven begyndte stolen under de magtfulde mangeårige diktatorer i den islamiske verden at vakle under presset fra en kaotisk blanding af folkelige oprør p.g.a. utilfredshed med de økonomiske forhold, øget religiøs fanatisme og etniske konflikter  – akkompagneret af kraftig opbakning til disse oprør fra Vesten. Libyens diktator Muammar Gaddafi blev bombet fra magten af bl.a. danske krigsfly – siden er Syriens Bashar Al-Assad kommet under alvorlig pres fra ligeledes vestligt støttede oprørsgrupper.

Egypten har haft sin revolution som lige for tiden bliver rullet tilbage af en ny diktator.

Alt imens forvandles Irak for tiden til et politisk, religiøst og etnisk kaos af afghansk tilsnit - med oliekilderne under det hele...

At Danmark under Bush II's gode ven Anders Fogh Rasmussen blev involveret i mange af disse kaosfremmende tiltag har tilsyneladende ikke givet anledning til dybere eftertanke hos magthaverne herhjemme.

Med en vis kynisk kalkule kunne man ved et trist tilbageblik på ovennævnte katastrofer, som Danmark har bidraget aktiv til, håbe at Ruslands /Putins aggressive udenrigspolitik får NATO og dermed Danmark tilbage til et mere lokalt orienteret ”hjemmeværnsprojekt” som forhåbentlig forstår sine begrænsninger bedre end den globale ”freedom agenda” som ikke bragte varig frihed – kun varigt kaos til mange millioner mennesker som ikke kan unddrage sig hverken deres diktatorer, de lokale krigsherrer, forrykte mullaher eller de lokale kriminelle bandeledere...


onsdag den 28. maj 2014

The disaster has already begun



Economist Dr. Karl Georg Zinn: "The disaster has already begun"
INTERVIEW | SIGRID SCHAMALL
May 27, 2014 ,
The capitalist growth has become a problem, promotes famines and chokes full employment - Karl Georg Zinn paints a bleak picture of the future.
Is the world to be saved? Mass unemployment has never lasted as long as today, global problems are increasing, reminders like that of John Maynard Keynes went unheeded, says economist Karl Georg Zinn.

SIGRID SCHAMALL: income and wealth are distributed increasingly unequal today. But to discuss redistribution is still taboo, or are appearances deceptive?

Zinn: The capitalist growth has steadily increased the distribution inequality. Nearly 17 percent of the world's population now draw far more than half of the global value on themselves. But experiences someone who has in any case an adequate income, really greater consumer 's quality of life ? I think it is, mutatis mutandis, like the French Enlightener, Jean -Jacques Rousseau : "Distribution means that no one is so rich that he can buy another individual, and none so poor that he has to sell himself. "

SIGRID SCHAMALL: How can quality of life be increased accordingly?

Zinn: The question is whether it not would make us go better if the working hours were reduced gradually in line with productivity developments. In fact, there is this already. If you distributed the payments made on average in the life of 40,000 hours to 70 years, there is another quantum, than if you spread this to 80 years due to the increased life expectancy.

SIGRID SCHAMALL: Has growth itself therefore become a problem?

Zinn: we can not solve today's problems by growth. Of course, distributive justice does not include complete leveling. The question is, what's a reasonable human differentiation. Instead, we see the highest peak income to be paid in the least productive sector - namely the financial capital sector.
What we needed, is a shift in consciousness, so that the population vigorously strived for equality and put increasing pressure on the politicians. Whether this will succeed is debatable, as we have just seen an example for a global bank bailout:
Policy is in a large scale blackmailed by the financial capital, and at the same time the public is talked into the conviction, there were no alternatives.

SIGRID SCHAMALL: Can we in our democracies talk of "growth fetishism"?

Zinn: Fetishism is obviously somewhat metaphorical. But I think so, because the majority, despite all the uncertainty, still believes that without growth we lacked jobs. The idea that one could solve almost all socio-economic problems by firering up the growth machine, is fatal.
The famous English economist John Maynard Keynes had in the 1930s and 1940s foreseen clearly, that the developed countries will experience inevitable decline in growth rates. This forecast was clearly confirmed by the real economy. Growth has since about 30 years remained weak - too weak to return to the growth path towards full employment.
Such a long period - it corresponds to a generation - with mass unemployment have industrialized countries never gone through. Even during the Great Depression of the 1930s, mass unemployment lasted "only" about ten years, before World War II then ended it abruptly.

SIGRID SCHAMALL: Unemployment in many countries tragically especially hits the young ones.

Zinn: The young generation of today is socialized under conditions in which mass unemployment is now perceived as something normal. Three decades of mass unemployment are, as I say, unprecedented. The absence of system-threatening violent mass protests is not at least owed to the ideological propaganda, telling that there is no alternative to neo-liberal ruthlessness. The population seems to me to be turned into powerless, politically inactive citizens. But there also is a lack of education on economic policy alternatives.

SIGRID SCHAMALL: Also in this regard, you like to quote Keynes.

Zinn: About Keynesian-ism there are spread completely reduced and distorted ideas. It is virtually unknown that Keynes towards unemployment had suggested far more than just an anti-cyclical economic policy. Especially with permanently low growth as it became the rule for three decades, far-reaching distributive and working time policies are essential. The "long-term" Keynesian economics, which deals with the problem of how full employment can be achieved without growth,
remained for far too many "Keynesians" a book with seven seals.
Keynes already in1930 anticipated many insights, which were virtually rediscovered as news by economic happiness research only in recent times: for example, the fact that above a critical income level or a critical level of consumption hardly any noticeable increase in satisfaction or quality of life is experienced. It should be understood also to anyone with common sense that no endless economic growth and no endless population growth are possible on a "not duplicable planet".
For not to speak of the human folly of growth fetishism. Keynes had recognized all this decades ago, but still too many Keynesians are still hanging in the growth paradigm.

SIGRID SCHAMALL: Do you have an explanation?

Zinn: Keynes considerations were so visionary that he was in many places dismissed as a "looney". In 1943, the midst of war, in the Keynes short text about "The Long Term Problem of Full Employment"i among others, is to be found the recommendation of reductions in working time at permanently low growth rates and mass unemployment.
Those, who take note of Keynes “long-term forecast of 1943”, which has been present also in German translation for several years, will experience a joyful eye-opener. But precisely because of this enlightenment potential, the defenders of status quo, the growth fetishists, have no inclination to deal seriously with the "revolutionary" Keynes. Therefore, that text dating back to 1943 is almost exclusively known by insiders and too explosive in politics.

SIGRID SCHAMALL: That is, we ourselves drive our global problems forward?

Zinn: Each of the problems gets more urgent, as we go on growing just as before. It's a collective failure. The disaster has already begun. One must only look to Africa, the famine and the
associated conflicts. These are resource conflicts that are sold to us as ethnic or religious conflicts.
At the bottom it is about the constant shortage of options for a decent life.
The perversion is made obvious by for example the cheerful cruise-liners sailing the Mediterranean, while in the same region simultaneously man are drowning. The poor population is pressing into the richer regions. If this trend quantitatively grows, it will come to a brutal Social Darwinism. We already experience the beginning, but it will continue to affect a lot more massive. There are also the climatic changes: I guess, within ten to 15 years, they are getting even more apparent – until we in the middle of the Century will enter major disasters. Countermeasures can be taken, if not today, better yesterday. Unfortunately, we can no longer use the day before yesterday.

SIGRID SCHAMALL: Much is already visible today.

Zinn: Because of close settlement natural disasters effect even highly developed countries increasingly devastating. Just think of the tsunami in Japan. 30 million people, the population size of the Tokyo area, you can not just evacuate; you can only lie to them by saying that it was not all that bad. Moreover, as a result of corruption and the governments capitalist interest policy, the technically feasible has not been done.

SIGRID SCHAMALL: In addition to the capitalist growth the global population also increases rapidly, as you have already mentioned ,.

Zinn: The world's population has increased almost tenfold in the past 250 years - from 750 million to well over seven billion. But the demographic world problem is one of the taboos - even for some of the more progressive contemporaries. Hardly anyone dares to speak so clearly like the Englishman Stephen Emmott in his recent book "Ten billion" referring to the almost inevitable disaster.
The "left" think they can reject warnings of overpopulation with a long-outdated Anti-Malthusian-ism.
With regard to the sustainability problem, fx. the global food problem for soon eight, nine or ten billion people, I 'm a bit of a pessimistic optimist.
One can make a better world: Everything that is done in accordance with the laws of nature, is possible, but people have to want it and force the politicians to the necessary reforms. With regard to the technical and economic solvability of the problems mentioned above, I am optimistic and confident. But the political inertia and the capitalist greed of a small oligarchy with great political influence, preclude all optimism. Presumably that will not change until disasters, that could have
been avoided, have triggered quasi revolutionary convulsions.


Dr. Karl Georg Zinn (74 ) is Emeritus Professor of
Economics at the Rheinisch -Westfälische Technische
University of Aachen . He is the son of former Hessian
Prime Minister Georg August Zinn . In the summer semester 2014
he works at the invitation of the Chamber of Labour Vienna
and the Institute for Political Science at the University of Vienna as a senior
Research Fellow.

iThe Long Term Problem of Full Employment

THE LONG-TERM PROBLEM OF FULL EMPLOYMENT

J.M. Keynes (May 1943):

1. It seems to be agreed today that the maintenance of a satisfactory level of employment depends on keeping total expenditure (consumption plus investment) at the optimum figure, namely that which generates a volume of incomes corresponding to what is earned by all sections of the community when employment is at the desired level.

2. At any given level and distribution of incomes the social habits and opportunities of the community, influenced (as it may be) by the form and weight of taxation and other deliberate policies and propaganda, lead them to spend a certain proportion of these incomes and to save the balance.

3. The problem of maintaining full employment is, therefore, the problem of ensuring that the scale of investment should be equal to the savings which may be expected to emerge under the above various influences when employment, and therefore incomes, are at the desired level. Let us call this the indicated level of savings.

4. After the war there are likely to ensure [sic] three phases-
(i) when the inducement to invest is likely to lead, if unchecked, to a volume of investment greater than the indicated level of savings in the absence of rationing and other controls;
(ii) when the urgently necessary investment is no longer greater than the indicated level of savings in conditions of freedom, but it still capable of being adjusted to the indicated level by deliberately encouraging or expediting less urgent, but nevertheless useful, investment;
(iii) when investment demand is so far saturated that it cannot be brought up to the indicated level of savings without embarking upon wasteful and unnecessary enterprises.

5. It is impossible to predict with any pretence to accuracy what the indicated level of savings after the war is likely to be in the absence of rationing. We have no experience of a community such as ours in the conditions assumed, with incomes and employment steadily at or near the optimum level over a period and with the distribution of incomes such as it is likely to be after the war. It is, however, safe to say that in the earliest years investment urgently necessary will be in excess of the indicated level of savings. To be a little more precise the former (at the present level of prices) is likely to exceed £m1000 in these years and the indicated level of savings to fall short of this.

6. In the first phase, therefore, equilibrium will have to be brought about by limiting on the one hand the volume of investment by suitable controls, and on the other hand the volume of consumption by rationing and the like. Otherwise a tendency to inflation will set in. It will probably be desirable to allow consumption priority over investment except to the extent that the latter is exceptionally urgent, and, therefore, to ease off rationing and other restrictions on consumption before easing off controls and licences for investment. It will be a ticklish business to maintain the two sets of controls at precisely the right tension and will require a sensitive touch and the method of trial and error operating through small changes.

7. Perhaps this first phase might last five years,-but it is anybody's guess. Sooner or later it should be possible to abandon both types of control entirely (apart from controls on foreign lending). We then enter the second phase, which is the main point of emphasis in the paper of the Economic Section. If two-thirds or three-quarters of total investment is carried out or can be influenced by public or semi-public bodies, a long-term programme of a stable character should be capable of reducing the potential range of fluctuation to much narrower limits than formerly, when a smaller volume of investment was under public control and when even this part tended to follow, rather than correct, fluctuations of investment in the strictly private sector of the economy. Moreover the proportion of investment represented by the balance of trade, which is not easily brought under short-term control, may be smaller than before. The main task should be to prevent large fluctuations by a stable long-term programme. If this is successful it should not be too difficult to offset small fluctuations by expediting or retarding some items in this long-term programme.

8. I do not believe that it is useful to try to predict the scale of this long-term programme. It will depend on the social habits and propensities of a community with a distribution of taxed income significantly different from any of which we have experience, on the nature of the tax system and on the practices and conventions of business. But perhaps one can say that it is unlikely to be less than 7 per cent or more than 20 per cent of the net national income, except under new influences, deliberate or accidental, which are not yet in sight.

9. It is still more difficult to predict the length of the second, than of the first, phase. But one might expect it to last another five or ten years and to pass insensibly into the third phase.

10. As the third phase comes into sight; the problem stressed by Sir H. Henderson begins to be pressing. It becomes necessary to encourage wise consumption and discourage saving,-and to absorb some part of the unwanted surplus by increased leisure, more holidays (which are a wonderfully good way of getting rid of money) and shorter hours.

11. Various means will be open to us with the onset of this golden age. The object will be slowly to change social practices and habits so as to reduce the indicated level of saving. Eventually depreciation funds should be almost sufficient to provide all the gross investment that is required.

12. Emphasis should be placed primarily on measures to maintain a steady level of employment and thus to prevent fluctuations. If a large fluctuation is allowed to occur, it will be difficult to find adequate offsetting measures of sufficiently quick action. This can only be done through flexible methods by means of trial and error on the basis of experience, which has still to be gained. If the authorities know quite clearly what they are trying to do and are given sufficient powers, reasonable success in the performance of the task should not be too difficult.

13. I doubt if much is to be hoped from proposals to offset unforeseen short-period fluctuations in investment by stimulating short-period changes in consumption. But I see very great attractions and practical advantage in Mr Meade's proposal for varying social security contributions according to the state of employment.

14. The second and third phases are still academic. Is it necessary at the present time for Ministers to go beyond the first phase in preparing administrative measures? The main problems of the first phase appear to be covered by various memoranda already in course of preparation. insofar as it is useful to look ahead, I agree with Sir H. Henderson that we should be aiming at a steady long-period trend towards a reduction in the scale of net investment and an increase in the scale of consumption (or, alternatively, of leisure) but the saturation of investment is far from being in sight to-day The immediate task is the establishment and the adjustment of a double system of control and of sensitive, flexible means for gradually relaxing these controls in the light of day-by-day experience

I would conclude by two quotations from Sir H. Henderson's paper, which seem to me to embody much wisdom.

"Opponents of Socialism are on strong ground when they argue that the State would be unlikely in practice to run complicated industries more efficiency than they are run at present. Socialists are on strong ground when they argue that reliance on supply and demand, and the forces of market competition, as the mainspring of our economic system, produces most unsatisfactory results. Might we not conceivably find a modus vivendi for the next decade or so in an arrangement under which the State would fill the vacant post of entrepreneur-in-chief, while not interfering with the ownership or management of particular businesses, or rather only doing so on the merits of the case and not at the behests of dogma?

"We are more likely to succeed in maintaining employment if we do not make this our sole, or even our first, aim. Perhaps employment, like happiness, will come most readily when it is not sought for its own sake. The real problem is to use our productive powers to secure the greatest human welfare. Let us start then with the human welfare, and consider what is most needed to increase it. The needs will change from tune to time, they may shift, for example, from capital goods to consumers' goods and to services. Let us think in terms of organising and directing our productive resources, so as to meet these changing needs, and we shall be less likely to waste them."
http://ecologicalheadstand.blogspot.dk/p/long-term-problem-of-full-employment.html


fredag den 23. maj 2014

Mortens Ladeport til social dumpning


Morten Østergaard vil lade vikarer fra EU slippe for skat
Skatteminister Morten Østergaard vil tilbagerulle skatteregler for vikaransatte fra andre
EU-lande.
Regeringens skattereform fra 2012 gjorde, at østarbejdere skulle betale skat i Danmark, selv om de var hyret fra et udenlandsk virkarfirma. Det vil skatteminister Morten Østergaard (R) nu ændre til stor utilfredshed hos fagbevægelsen.
Skatteminister Morten Østergaard (R) vil gøre det billigere for udefra kommende arbejdere at arbejde i Danmark.
Han vil nemlig tilbagerulle en regel fra regeringens skattereform fra 2012, der betød, at
eksempelvis østarbejdere fra første dag skulle betale skat i Danmark, når de arbejdede for en dansk arbejdsgiver. Også hvis de var ansat af et vikarbureau.
Men det bliver ikke længere tilfældet, hvis Skat som planlagt tilbageruller reglerne for såkaldt arbejdsudlejeskat.
For de udenlandske vikarer bliver derved betragtet som underleverandører og kan slippe for at betale skat i Danmark.
Dermed lytter skatteminister Morten Østergaard til de store danske virksomheder, der har
presset på for at få stramningerne rullet tilbage.
Jeg kan bekræfte, at Skat har sendt et udkast til nye regler i høring, så vi sikrer, at vi målrettet sætter ind over for social dumping, men ikke forhindrer virksomheder i fuldt lovligt at samarbejde med udenlandske firmaer, lyder det fra Morten Østergaard.”
Fagbevægelsen er imod
Hos fagbevægelsen har det skabt store protester mod tilbagerulningen af skattereglerne.
Reglerne for arbejdsudleje har været den enkeltting, der har bidraget mest til at forhindre
social dumping. Før de regler gav man arbejderne en meget lav løn, fordi de slap for skat.
Man havde en kombination af, at de her folk hverken betalte skat eller havde en ordentlig løn”, siger Palle Bisgaard, næstformand i Byggegruppen under 3F.
S-kandidat kritiserer
Og ministerens beslutning vil få store konsekvenser, mener Gunde Odgaard, der er sekretariatsleder for BAT-Kartellet, som er et fagligt kartel for medlemmer indenfor bygge- og anlægsbranchen.
Han er i øvrigt kandidat til EP-valget for Socialdemokraterne.
Det her bliver administrativt tungt for os og for Skat. Til gengæld bliver det ret let for
virksomheder, der vil svindle”, siger han.
Men det er skatteministeren ikke enig i.
Min opfattelse er, at der har været en bred anerkendelse af, at reglerne har været for brede og uklare. Jeg er meget optaget af at bekæmpe enhver form for social dumping, og det her er et effektivt tiltag, og vi skal jo ikke forhindre fuldt lovlige aktiviteter”, siger Morten Østergaard.